The United Kingdom has
long had a deep-rooted majoritarian political culture. Two-party politics has been the norm since
the formation of modern political parties.
There have occasionally been splits and recombinations, and even
less-frequent cases of parties collapsing and being replaced by new
contenders.
But, by-and-large, the
adversarial two-party system has remained dominant.
This dominance, so
different from most of our continental neighbours, is partly cultural and partly
due to an electoral system which has continued to reward the party with the
plurality of votes with a majority of Commons seats at most elections.
However, psephologists
and other observers have long observed that this would be hard to sustain.
Underlying the two-party system is an
increasingly diverse and pluralist population who no longer cleanly divide
their votes between two parties.
From a
peak of 96.8% of the combined vote at the 1951 election, by 2005 this figure
had fallen to 67.6%.
Tony Blair’s clear
majority, acquired that year, rested on the support of only 35.2% of
voters. By that same year, the
third-place Liberal Democrats had reached 22%.
In 2010, the
Conservatives under David Cameron achieved – with 36.1% - a higher vote share
than Blair had five years earlier.
Yet
the first-past-the-post electoral system, combined with a further rise in
support for the Liberal Democrats, left the Commons well and truly hung.
The unfortunate Liberal Democrats, compelled
by the electoral math to enter a coalition with the party most despised by
their activist base, have subsequently taken a serious battering in the polls,
often lurking in the high single-digits.
Yet in those same polls Labour and the Conservatives are still only able
to muster less than 70% between them.
Instead of returning to
a two-party system, the electorate appears to be gaining an appetite for more
pluralism.
Smaller parties, most
especially UKIP, the Greens, and the parties of the Celtic Fringe, are growing
rapidly in support.
While the electorate
continue to claim that they prefer single-party rule, they do not appear to be
planning to vote in a way that is likely to deliver this.
Current polling rarely puts Labour much
higher than 35%. History suggests that
this lead will erode as the election campaign gets underway.
If the Liberal Democrats hold more than 30
seats (as seems likely) and the SNP make the gains that are being predicted
(let alone gains by UKIP and others) Labour may well be denied a majority.
The possible outcomes of the May 2015 election
are more febrile than ever before.
Sooner or later, the electorate may have to come to terms with the
reality of a political pluralism of their own making – coalitions are likely to
become a fixture of British politics as much as on the Continent.
Add to this the narrow
result of the Scottish independence referendum. It seems certain to result in much greater devolution of power to
Scotland, further unbalancing the constitution.
The apparent willingness of all parties to address this creates perhaps
the greatest opportunity for radical constitutional reform in British
history.
Assuming that the Conservatives
do not win then next election outright and implement an ‘English votes’ fix, it
seems likely that some sort of constitutional convention – formal or otherwise
- may soon be upon us.
The possible
outcomes of this are not limited to devolution or even ‘home rule’. Federalism – perhaps with a proportionally
elected second chamber – and electoral reform of local government are both on
the table.
The party that is most
interested in – and has given most studied consideration to – such
constitutional reform is of course the Liberal Democrats.
It may be a case of cometh the moment – an ironic case given the party’s current
weakness.
Yet should Ed Miliband find
himself with the largest party but short of a majority in May, he might well be
tempted to partly delegate responsibility for constitutional reform to the
Liberal Democrats in exchange for their support – perhaps thereby avoiding
having Lib Dem ministers in every department as per the current arrangement.
Any significant reform
is likely to result in a much more pluralist political system than the one we
have now, and that may provide the basis for a restoration of Liberal Democrat
fortunes.
Certainly a strong liberal
voice is needed now, when both Labour and Conservatives are tempted to
implement authoritarian schemes in the name of security, and the Conservatives
threaten to undermine the hard-won system of human rights and wider
international law.
Regardless of the
outcome of 2015, there are few signs that a two-party system will be
restored. The underlying sociological
foundation has changed.
It’s time our political culture and institutions caught up.
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